Contemporary
Korean Art in 1990s
by Young Chul Lee
Soo
Kyung Lee Painting for 'Out of Body Travel', 1999
size variable Painting, wooden box, helmet, elbow protector,
life jacket, scale
Boem Kim Give and Take, 1993 26 x 38 inches Mixed media (pencil, paper,
Tylenol on canvas)
Sora Kim Homer: our new project, 1998 detail of "Very Up & Very
Down"
Yi-So Bahc Pukdupalsung (Eight Stars), 1997 210 x 120 x 40 cm Mixed
media (Sponge, sticker, brick, acupuncture needle)
Whether it
is in a formal or an informal setting, it is always difficult
for me to resume the state of Korean contemporary art
to those who are in the international art world. This
is because since the period of the Japanese occupation,
the post-occupation, the era during the 1960s when internationalism
was in fashion, the resistance years of the 1980s, and
the return at the same time to internationalism in its
globalized version of the 1990s and to a new-found regionalism,
throughout all these periods, tradition and cultural
transformation have been essentially intertwined. And
it is difficult to intentionally invent without stuttering
new terms in Korean for this entwinement, not only in
an international forum but also in a Korean forum. It
is the Marxist and postmodernist Fredric Jameson who,
in 1990, according to Korean leftist groups, was the
first to analyze the entwinement of the three worlds
that manifest themselves in Korean culture, and this
before European deconstructionists took a similar point
of view when analyzing culture. During a visit to Korea
in 1991, Jameson described Korea as a country in which
the first, second and third worlds coexist and collide
with one another, and bestowed upon it the title of the
most contradictory city in history.
To look at
the cityscape of Seoul is to sense the power of its rebirth
from a once war-ravaged city. A third-world city with
tremendous urban problems just two or three decades ago,
Seoul today is a city of trendy, glitzy and consumption-oriented
quarters where young and fashionable cultural tribes
hang out, a gigantic urban monster that resembles the
morphology of Tokyo and Hong Kong. To look at the Seoul
cityscape is also to witness clashing architectural whimsy:
high modernism, matchbox-type international style, pseudo-postmodernism,
deconstructionism, etc., all of which are juxtaposed
on the same block if not in the same building. Seoul
architecture is one huge potpourri of hybrid urban signs,
cultural cross-breeding, historical palimpsests and,
above all, kitsch.
Since the
end of the military regime in 1993, the energy of Korean
society has become concentrated into economic and cultural
consumption. The 1980s were a decade of political struggle.
The 1990s have been a decade of mass culture, instant
gratification, body politics, youth and sexuality. The
material rigidity of the 1980s gave way to the molecular
flexibility of the 1990s.
Every decade
since the end of the Korean war has brought with it dramatic
contradictions in the Korean cultural and political landscape.
The 1990s is no exception. On the one hand, the desire
to progress is a necessary dynamic in society. On the
other hand, many societal anachronisms conflict with
this desire. A good example is a recent self-promotional
ad campaign by a leading Korean newspaper, which featured
on a big video billboard in downtown Seoul the slogan
Lets step forward with the information society, though
we have stepped back in industrialization. As this absurd
statement demonstrates, the very reason for contradiction
is the desire itself to meet change and make a profit
from it rather than to solve real problems that wont
go away. Today, Koreans agree that the alliance among
the government, the press, big business and education,
is effective in achieving their goals. Contradiction,
rashness and an irrational yet modern dynamism are, strange
as it may seem, the essential elements of Koreas cultural
specificity, a specificity born of the particular circumstances
surrounding the modernization of the country: the Japanese
occupation, the Korean War, the division of the country,
dictatorship, a glorified military culture, and even
the close ties between the government and big business
necessary to promote a simple and abrupt globalization.
Koreas intense
competitive drive, which has been accelerating over the
decades, creates a dynamic society, but also a slower
one, because it creates new contradictions that accumulate
and remain unresolved. The collapse of a bridge that
spanned the Han River and of a large department store
in Seoul are the disquieting symbols of these contradictions.
Toward the end of 1997, the economic crisis that struck
many Asian countries was a direct threat to Korean society
and underlined the urgency of overhauling Koreas economic
structures. Many small and medium sized companies closed
their doors, and insolvent banks and companies were sold
to foreign groups. The collapse of the Daewoo Group,
which was one of Koreas major symbols of its model for
economic success, was a great shock for the entire country,
and a lesson, that this pioneer in creating markets throughout
Southeast Asia and Eastern Europe, especially Poland,
and in leading Korean industry for the last 35 years,
had now become but a myth, as fragile as a bubble. Nervous
awareness of this danger has spread across Korean society
and made the people doubt and blame itself, and wonder
about its survival on the eve of a globalized 21st century.
A similar awareness dawned on Korean society at the end
of the 60s, when students and intellectuals held massive
demonstrations modeled on those of their Western counterparts.
But now, at the end of the 90s, our newly discovered
individualism finds its highest expression not in radical
demonstrations but in conspicuous consumption.
It is in
this fin-de-siecle atmosphere that Korean contemporary
art also finds its highest expression, in a superficially
international avant-gardism. For the last ten years or
so Korea has been host to some very big and very expensive
art events, including the Olympic Sculpture Garden in
1988, the Contemporary Art Festival at the Taejon Expo
in 1991, the transposition of the 1993 edition of the
Whitney Biennial to Seoul, the creation of the Kwangju
Biennale and the Korean Pavilion at the Venice Biennale,
both in 1995, and the aborted construction of Frank Gehrys
Samsung Museum because of the Korean economic crisis
of 1997; not to mention the construction of other museums
by conglomerates, the boom of collecting expensive international
art and of Koreans going abroad to discover international
art, the skyrocketing of gallery sales and profits, the
arrival of the two great international auction houses,
Christies and Sothebys, and the forest of public and
private sculptures commissioned for building fronts resulting
from a new law that required that 1% of a new buildings
cost be allocated to art work. The most amazing aspect
of the first two Kwangju Biennales is not that they made
over 20 million dollars in entry fees for 1.7 million
and .9 million visitors in 1995 and 1997, but that a
Korean regional bureaucracy with little or no experience
in matters of art created each successful biennial in
less than a year. However, none of these examples of
the tremendous explosion of the Korean art world is a
reliable indicator of quality. On the contrary, it is
remarkable that the sheer quantity of big art events
tends to render them empty of all art. The energy of
Korean contemporary art emanates from a deep desire to
be merely demonstrative, an energy that is not truly
artistic but governmental, both on a national and a regional
level, and commercial, whether it be in the hands of
the conglomerates, the galleries, the dealers or the
art associations. And whether the art event is big or
small, the distance between artistic depth and the events
true superficiality is great, a superficiality that is
profoundly anchored in Korean society and daily life,
or rather, culture. The paradox of what the world sees
as Koreas modernization and energy is that they cannot
be separated from their implicit contradictions, contradictions
that are indeed the source of their modernity and energy.
Since 1960, Korean art has been evolving in a whirlwind
of paradox, contradiction and dynamism. Thirty years
of dictatorship catalyzed three common directions: economic
progress, globalization and national and regional identity.
The rapidness and excessiveness of economic progress
also propelled its crash, and blind internationalism
produced an abundance of pale Western art imitations.
It is paradoxical
that the contradictions of modern Korean society are
also at the source of its energy. In Korea, contradiction
equals dynamism, and opportunities arise from instability,
irrationality and tradition. And although this paradox
might also hide a disadvantageous and difficult reality,
it is nevertheless mysterious that it fosters vital social
change that I would say is remarkably more vigorous than
in other industrial countries. The paradox then is a
reality, one where dynamism functions as myth, a myth
that becomes the foundation of a giant collective hope
and goal.
The military
regime had inordinately emphasized on the economical
efficiency in order to get into the line of international
order, while immolating true justice on the other hand.
And in that course, the history of Korean art ended up
disclosing itself as a mimicry of Western art. On this
account, Korean writers often depict Korean art as an
eye without the pupil or being under self-colonization.
When Korean artists adopted the western model, the result
was a reiteration of the Western identity, or rather
the identity of the simulated West. Those artists had
actually intended on representing their own identity,
but in reality, they had produced nothing but a series
of imported masks. This inevitably became a rhetoric,
in which only the gestures were revived without any consideration
of the context. Economic imperialism, consisting of the
export of advanced technology and multinational capital
from the West, meant not only physical domination in
the form of military and political intervention, but
also the export of imaginative meanings from the West.
Therefore, transplanting the western system onto Korean
soil in unmodified form - in the guise of advancement
- meant nothing more than self-colonization by foreign
social and cultural imaginations.
The term
cultural identity is yet hard to figure out with its
endless changes and developments and could be misinterpreted
as something still and frozen in time, that is, as either
Korean or English or French. Now this is what most curators
and art critics who visit Korea in search of artists
whose works are somewhat rather Korean, but in truth,
such could only be found in the cultural treasures in
the museums. Whether in Seoul or in any other city in
Korea, the whole country seems to be going under a huge
dynamism of destruction and reconstruction of tall apartments
and road works. Each city is a collage made up of bits
of eclecticism. What could be called Korean is found
only in the jumbles of pre-modern, modern, and postmodern
aspects of the moment here now. Therefore searching for
the ethnic identity is no more than an obsolete idea
of Orientalism or a so-called sightseeing hobby.
The 1980s
were a time when cultural domination of the West was
extensively perceived throughout Korea and became the
biggest issue. At this period, the two issues of military
dictatorship and war-torn reality were brought up, and
students, elites and civilians all got together and intensively
demonstrated for radical social changes. In Kwangju,
hundreds were killed by the military regime. In art,
an anti-Occidentalist and anti-Capitalist political avant-garde
movement called Min Joong Art (Peoples Art) was founded
by a group of artists. These Min Joong artists and art
critics related art directly to the streams of culture-politics.
The fact that they discussed the social existence, reality
perception and alternative qualities of an artist, the
coexistence of traditional formalities with advanced
matters, and ways of communication were of much significance
in terms that they had brought up serious questions in
the art of Korea for the first time. But in terms of
distribution and diverse art expressions, their extreme
critical standpoint ended up restricting most of their
artistic activities.
Unlike military
or economical aspects, it is quite difficult to grasp
the relation between domination and subordination in
cultural aspects. For most cases, the objection and perception
against cultural attack are restricted to a small number
of elites and politicians. Though they are not imitators
of the ideological messages and values of imperialism,
a large number of Koreans are in fact enthusiastic about
the cultural products of the West. Domination exists
where it is perceived. The elites who regard cultural
imperialism as a threat, have a longing to become cultural
representatives by making the public believe that they
have the misconception of everything. Oftentimes it is
said that in the case of a country that has been invaded,
it is rather hard to regulate a united, ethnic cultural-identity.
The political
view and discourse of ethnic culture and identity allow
us to imagine this process to be a terminated one, and
that imagination is achieved through the concepts of
our ethnical properties or cultural traditions. Any period
that we regard as our culture is a synthesization of
cultural memories up to that very moment. Moreover, this
synthesization has a quality of selecting specific ones,
and among them are political, cultural systems such as
the government or the media, which carry out privileged
roles. As a result, today our culture is not a pure local
product, but always keeps traces of previous cultural
appropriations or influences.
While in
the midst of modernization, there are many cases in which
tradition is fabricated by the system of an ethnic country.
False traditions have the capacity to offer the significance
of invariability like all other traditions. The cultural
fantasy that insists that the customs that represent
us today are the embodiments of the immutable past which
have been inherited from prehistoric days is one conduced
in relation to ethnic identity. Dreaming of a stabilized
past results in hiding away the essence of the dynamic
and occasionally mingling culture. The sacred quality
or tradition of culture is what weve learned since our
early childhood days, but most of the factors were imported
from abroad while being confronted with resistance a
couple of generations ago. Struggling against cultural
imports is the struggle against the changes experienced
in ones life, which is, no more than a natural human
impulse to treasure the changes in ones childhood.
The word
indigenous has undoubtedly been adopted as an synonym
of the word native- meaning, belonging to a geographically
specified place. But how could a culture belong to one
region? The subsidiary meaning of the word indigenous
is belonging naturally to a place. Though this may provide
an answer to how a can culture be reverted, it still
involves many problems. Culture is a work done entirely
and decisively by man. Therefore the thought that culture
reverts to a certain region should not be simply apprehended.
When indigenous culture is substituted to local culture,
it substitutes the problem of reversion. Still it itself
has many difficult problems to solve. Which region does
a region belong to? What kinds of cultures do the regions
of a village, a locality, a nation, and a superstate
(for instance, Asian or South American) represent?
The art market
in Korea expanded on the basis of bubble economy of the
1990s and young artists began to be introduced in the
international art scene. Kim Soo-ja, Lee Buhl, Choi Jung-wha,
Yook Geun-byung, Kim Young-jin and Cho Duk-hyun became
known to the international audience but the younger generation
of artists has become much richer than ten years ago.
As Korean art circles have a very weak and inadequate
system to introduce Korean artists abroad, there have
been very few incidents in which their works were shown
in the Western Circles. Park Iso, Kim Buhm, Lee Soo-kyung
and Kim Sora emerged as leaders of younger generation
in the domestic art circle, but were never introduced
outside Asia. Among the more established artists, Lim
Chung-seop residing in New York, Kim Soon-ki working
in Paris are outstanding and Ju Jae-whan and Park Young-gook
are drawing attention for their new experimental works.
As alternative
artistic spaces are rare in Korea, private museums and
galleries are exerting strong influence on artists. But
when even these institutions plunged into a slump, established
artists lost their opportunities for exhibition. Rather,
younger artists are more active and at a great moment
of periodical and cultural transformation at the turn
of a century, they are working to reveal their individual
characters while avoiding nationalist, localist thinking
that has oppressed the cultural situation of Korea for
so long time. Although they are commonly against the
claims for national, cultural identity, they are not
naively drawn to the international style of western modernism
either. With the introduction of the 1993 Whitney Biennial
show in Korea the cultural, political issues of multiculturalism
was in fashion for a short period in Korea, but these
artists were very antipathetic to it. Though they are
keeping a certain distance to the issues of the Peoples
Art movement of the 1980s that interpreted the logic
of the other in a political way and the multiculturalism
of America, they are quite confident about the fact that
art should have a concrete function with a more comprehensive
perspective in a society. It looks to be an earnest search
for the possibility that art could gain a new critical
power through a microscopic approach to the network of
global capitalism and highly technological bureaucratic
society entering into an increasingly controlled state.
©1999
Young Chul Lee
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